The US has chosen George W. Bush as their president for a second term. Many in Europe hoped that it would be John Kerry; but just a few admitted it openly. In European parliaments and governments, many are trying now to mask their disillusion with diplomatic words of renewal, and with an even too optimistic hope in the improvement of relationships. But who knows – maybe these relationships can indeed develop positively under a president who is now free from re-election stress, and has necessarily to include the liberal electors in his overall policies?

Even if it currently seems that Bush may instead use its victory to intensify unilateral dominance of conservative US issues, Europe and the second Bush administration can and should seek a new start in mutual cooperation in at least five crucial issues:

First, in re-establishing the excellent US-European-relationships lost during the first Bush administration. It makes no sense that Europe and the US continue to celebrate differences on issues like genetic food, trade restrictions, war on terror, new world order or long-term democratization of threshold countries. The two leading continents of the free world should closely work together on all these issues, knowing that the enemies of their common intentions are many, and that the dangers are growing. The first Bush administration proved itself unable to maintain foreign confidence in its leading style, isolating and thus weakening both the US and Europe, its closest ally and partner. On the other hand, Europe protested against US strategies without presenting alternatives, thus weakening necessary action and effectiveness of strategies. Europe and the second Bush administration have now the chance to implement a common sense regarding the importance of democratic network-tissuing in the globalized world – with the US-Europe-relationship at its core. At the same time, the debate about different macro democracy models between Politics, Economics and Culture (Unitarian on the US side, Trinitarian on European side) and about the issues mentioned above, including them in a bigger and long term picture, should intensify noticeably – to both sides advantage.

Second, to give the world the new ecological impulse that it so urgently needs. Europe and other willing nations alone cannot save the planet from the incumbent climate catastrophe. The US is the biggest consumer of energy in the world. And therefore it is a crucial ally in signing the Kyoto Treaty for the protection of the environment. Even Russia has recently signed the treaty, but Mr. Bush continues his short-sighted policy and his refusal to participate. Now, Bush can adhere to the treaty. To make the US the biggest country in the world in saving our natural environment will count more than many other achievements, and more than we all may imagine today, in the eyes of those future generations who will look back at the nations of our time, at their leaders and at their behaviour.

Third, to give science and technology the opportunities they need. Restriction of research as practised by the first Bush administration is no way to halt developments of knowledge and skills. It can only delay them, and thus harm the scientific industries of the US and Europe, which are tied together very closely. Instead of hindering or even prohibiting research in the democratic world, the US and Europe should work together for establishing a New World Charta of Science and Technology Ethics for the future of democratic humanism, including the best minds of both continents, and thus bring forth common values and moral standards. Together, they than should try to export these standards, with the close help of the United Nations, to the rest of the world.

Fourth, to maintain the leading economic power of the democratic world. The American economy is, so far, the strongest in the world, and therefore it is crucial for the rest of the free world. We all depend in one way or another on it, and European and American economies are closely tied together. The record of the first Bush administration showed the free fall of the dollar against the euro and a dramatic domestic deficit that is a potential threat to all free markets in the world. The economic policy of Mr. Bush in his first term tended to deteriorate job opportunities and social welfare, to fix class structures and unequal opportunities, to discriminate those ethnic and cultural groups which are traditionally poorer, to impoverish the middle class, decrease funds for education, enlarge the gap between rich and poor, and, substantially, weaken the US economy by concentrating wealth - and thus consuming power - in the hands of ever fewer people. At the same time, Europe has increased its deficits without measure, and it has not managed to make its economy more competitive. Now, Europe and Bush have the opportunity to see the bigger, deeper, long-term picture: bring new social justice, and see the economy of both countries in its complex, but potentially productive relations. That includes a new discussion about different social systems and there value. The pressure of the US on Europe by economic macro institutions like the WTO makes no sense and can only weaken the “kantian” European social system which is, in many ways, a productive complementary part to the   “hobbesian” Anglo-American system.

Fifth but not least, to strengthen common security. With an overcommitted US and a far too weak European military force, the world today is an insecure place. The first Bush administration managed to alienate the best and oldest allies of the US in Continental Europe. On the other hand, Europe brought forth a new anti-American movement with new irrational ideologies. Now Bush and Europe have the chance to reinvent cooperation, and to form new rational fellowships and alliances. The second Bush administration should not force Europe to follow blindly the US, but should engage it to do more for the common security of the democratic world by its own initiative. That is, what Fischer and others have in mind, when they call for a full seet for Germany in the UN security council.

Summing up, the European governments and the second Bush jr. administration can do far better that their predecessors. Better for the West - and for the planet. America and Europe should try “to do it again”. Even if it is also true that only in the coming years the fundamental and far reaching differences between the US and the European societies will fully become visible and productive. We should work on these differences – and be at the same time friends like always, but in a new, more balanced way.

Dott. Roland Benedikter, born in 1965, teaches political and cultural science at the Universities of Vienna(Austria), Innsbruck(Austria), Bolzano(Italy) and Milan(Italy). He has published more than 90 essays and 14 books, collaborated with Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker at the Report to the Club of Rome 2003 and has been twice a lecturer at Mersin University (Turkey), at Clemens-Ohridski-University Sofia (Bulgaria) and at the Catholic University of Lima (Peru). He has contributed to, among others, Frankfurter Rundschau, Der Freitag Berlin, Radikal Istanbul, Der Standard Vienna, Die Presse Vienna, German Newspaper Moscow. In 1994 and 2000, he lived in Berkeleyand New Orleans. Contact: rolandbenedikter@yahoo.de.

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